Navy veteran, arrived in the early spring of 2021, his roller suitcase clattering over the pavestones of the Ukrainian capital. On the western edge of town, he found the address that his recruiter had sent him via Facebook, a flophouse with about two dozen beds, each reserved for a foreign fighter.

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We need to figure out why this is happening and address the underlying causes. At this point it’s a public health crisis,” Royko said.

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To prove it, Azov tightened its standards for foreign fighters, accepting only those with enough weapons training and expertise to serve as military instructors. But the shift did not obviate the need for Furholm’s brand of online recruitment. On the contrary, in the summer of 2021, Azov’s political wing allowed him to use one of its cottages outside Kyiv as a hostel for foreign fighters. Those who did not make the cut were channeled into one of Ukraine’s other militia groups, or in some cases, the regular Ukrainian military.

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Daisy Coleman was 14 when her mother and three brothers moved to Maryville, Missouri. Her father had recently died in a car crash and her mother was looking for a fresh start.

Still, in spite of his criminal history, the Navy veteran hardly acted like an online radical back then. His name does not appear in Squire’s database of far-right Facebook (review) groups and their members as of March 2021, when Fuller arrived in Ukraine. Instead, the path that led to his recruitment may have started with something more mundane.

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Soon after the Unite the Right rally, Facebook (extra resources) (along with YouTube and other platforms) banned several white-supremacist pages, individuals and groups that until then had avoided action. Facebook (https://yamamotonight-m.ru/hack/?patch=2246) also pledged to move more quickly to take down threats of physical harm in the future.


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The Ukrainian authorities welcomed many of them, and in some cases granted them citizenship. Within the war’s first year, Biletsky’s militia was officially absorbed into the National Guard, becoming a regiment within Ukraine’s armed forces.

In some cases, Facebook (read the article)’s algorithms actually nudged users into joining these groups. In an internal presentation in 2021, its analysts looked at the German political groups on the platform where racist content was thriving.


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One night in January 2021, Daisy told police, she became so intoxicated that she couldn't stand. She was then raped, while her friend filmed it on a phone and left her on her front porch in 22-degree weather.


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Daisy's alleged rapist was a 17-year-old senior football player, Matthew Barnett. The morning after the party, Daisy's mother found Daisy on the front porch, hair frozen, in only a T-shirt and sweatpants.


Activists say it shouldn’t have come as a surprise, especially to the world’s biggest social network. In 2021, Beirich, who was then the director of the intelligence project of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), began giving lists of white-supremacist hate groups to Facebook (https://yamamotonight-m.ru/hack/?patch=8754). Although its moderators would occasionally remove individual ones, “we couldn’t get any traction about the need to systematically deplatform extremist ideas until Charlottesville,” she says.

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Fuller fell into the latter group. After the Azov Regiment turned him down because of lack of experience, some of the friends he’d made in the movement helped the American sign a contract with Ukraine’s marine corps, which sent him to the front. When TIME first interviewed him in 2021, he was in Mariupol, recovering from injuries sustained in a drunken street fight. But he seemed happy to have made it as a foreign fighter in Ukraine.

Royko said he never received the first notice, which would have given him a chance to fight the ticket. Now, he said he’s going to reach out to his alderman, Daniel La Spata (1st).


Little says he does not know if these groups included Azov. But during the attack, the shooter wore a flak jacket bearing a black sun, the symbol commonly used by the Azov Battalion.

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